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Is there anyone who doesn't like the modern history of China as much as I do?
The modern history of China began with the outbreak of the Opium War between China and Britain in 1840 and ended with the collapse of the Nanking Kuomintang regime in 1949. It experienced the late Qing Dynasty, the provisional government of the Republic of China, the northern warlords and the national government, and it was a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society in China that gradually formed and collapsed.

/kloc-In the middle of the 9th century, Britain, France and other western powers successively launched wars of aggression against China, and China's sovereign independence and territorial integrity were constantly undermined, and the contradiction between western powers and the Chinese nation intensified. After the 1970s, the invasion of China by foreign powers intensified, and the crisis of the Chinese nation became more and more serious.

In order to resist the invasion of foreign powers and strive for national independence, the people of China have waged a heroic struggle and started the exploration of saving the nation from extinction. The Westernization Movement aimed at "self-improvement" and "seeking wealth" objectively stimulated the emergence and development of capitalism in China. In order to save the nation from peril and develop capitalism, the bourgeois reformists carried out the reform movement. The Revolution of 1911 overthrew the rule of the Qing Dynasty, ended the autocratic monarchy system in China for more than 2,000 years, and started the modern national democratic revolution in a complete sense. The New Culture Movement impacted the feudal ideological and moral culture and opened the floodgate of ideological emancipation. China is constantly undergoing economic, political, ideological and cultural changes in the environment of being bullied by foreign powers and forced to open up. China's modernization started with difficulty, and its social structure gradually transformed from traditional society to modern society.

19 19 The May 4th patriotic movement broke out, marking the end of the old democratic revolution led by the bourgeoisie and the beginning of the new democratic revolution led by the proletariat. 192 1 year, the China * * * production party was founded, and the face of the China revolution took on a new look. The first ethnic cooperation promoted the climax of the national revolutionary movement. After the collapse of the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the * * * production party launched an armed revolution of workers and peasants in order to resist the rule of the Kuomintang, and began a difficult exploration of the revolutionary road in China.

193 1 year, Japanese imperialism launched the September 18th Incident, and the Chinese nation faced a serious national crisis, and the national anti-Japanese national salvation movement continued to rise. 1937 Japanese imperialism launched the July 7th Incident, and the Chinese nation began its all-round war of resistance. After eight years of bloody fighting, the people of China finally won the complete victory of the first anti-aggression war in modern times.

After War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression's victory, China faced a decisive battle with two fates and two futures. China's * * * production party made great efforts for peace and democracy, but the Kuomintang government flagrantly launched a civil war with the support of American imperialism. China's * * * production party led the people in the liberation war for more than three years, overthrew the rule of the Kuomintang in Chinese mainland and won a great victory in the new-democratic revolution.

I hope it helps you.

There are also the following views:

1. On the concept of "modern China" Strictly speaking, the word "modern" does not refer to a scientific concept in a certain historical period in the history of social development. It is not uniform in use. Generally speaking, as far as Europe and America are concerned, entering the capitalist society is the beginning of "modern times". Therefore, world history marks the beginning of "modern" history with the earliest bourgeois revolution (1640 British bourgeois revolution). But the situation in China is different. In China's history, there is no independent capitalist social period like that of European and American countries. We take 1840 as the beginning of China's modern history, not because the capitalist relations of production within China society have matured to the point where the feudal relations of production have been replaced, which led to the outbreak of the bourgeois revolution, just like the British bourgeois revolution. But it is mainly due to foreign aggression. It has caused changes within China society and pushed China to a historical period different from the past, that is, the semi-feudal colonial and semi-feudal social period. Although this society also produced the bourgeoisie later, and it also had the stage of the bourgeoisie mastering political power, it is hard to say that it is a completely capitalist society. Only from the historical development stage of China, it is roughly equivalent to the category of capitalist society. In this way, a semi-colonial and semi-feudal social and historical stage is regarded as the history of "modern China". Of course, some foreign historical researchers don't think so. They pushed the starting point of China's modern history to the establishment of the Qing Dynasty in the middle of17th century. On the one hand, they emphasize the correspondence with the historical stage of Western Europe. On the other hand, they tried to describe the theme of China's modern history, as if it were a national contradiction in China. This is unscientific. Focusing on the characteristics of China society, we still regard the semi-colonial and semi-feudal social and historical stage as modern China. This creates a problem. The semi-colonial and semi-feudal social history of China began at 1840 and ended at 1949 when People's Republic of China (PRC) was founded. So should the whole period be counted as "the modern history of China"? Scientifically, it should be. This view was put forward as early as 1950s (for example, Rong Mengyuan 1956 wrote "On the Staging of Modern History", which clearly agreed that the boundary of China's modern history was from1September 840 to1September 949), and it was later accepted by more and more people. It should be said that it has been basically approved by now. However, in terms of teaching habits, the May 4th Movement of 19 19 is generally taken as the boundary to divide this period of history, and the first half is regarded as "the modern history of China". The latter part is classified as "Modern History of China". In other words, only the old democratic class is classified as "the modern history of China", while the new democratic revolution stage is classified as the modern history of China. Although these two stages do have different characteristics (mainly different revolutionary leadership forces), their social nature has not changed, and they should all be placed in the modern historical period of China. This is the first question we need to know. 2. Compared with China's ancient history, what are the characteristics of China's modern historical development? First, its historical changes are very rapid and drastic. China has a long history and rich contents in ancient times. However, from the macro aspect of historical development, that is, the mode of production, political system and social ideology, it should be said that it is in a state of long-term relative stagnation and the change is very slow, which is greatly puzzled by some foreign scholars. For example, Hugo, a great writer, lamented that "China is really an alcohol bottle for preserving the fetus". The famous Hegelian school once said: "The history of China itself has not developed, so we don't have to hear all the details of history." At that time, a German scholar said: "China in front of us has no past, but a country that we have known since ancient times and still exists exactly the same today." The famous German historian Frank (1795- 1886) put it more typically: "The people of China will always rest in peace" (see the History of Cultural Exchanges between China and Foreign Countries, p.18-165438). Of course, this view exists very well. China's modern history is different. New China was founded only 1 10 years ago, but it experienced two historical stages of the old and new democratic revolution, which can be said to be a leap-forward change. In addition to the changes in social nature and revolutionary stage, it is also manifested in many other aspects. For example, in the past 80 years, there have been more than a dozen wars, events and major struggles that shocked the whole country and even had international influence. Unprecedented changes have taken place in politics, economy, ideology and culture of society. We should pay attention to the drastic changes in China's modern history in our study. Secondly, its social changes are very complicated, mainly because it is not a complete and single social form. Its performance can be roughly seen as follows: (1) It is manifested in lifestyle. Since modern times, China has always been in the state of the decline of the old mode of production and the emergence and development of new modes of production. The feudal economy showed a declining trend after the Opium War, but the natural economy, the cornerstone of the feudal economy, which was closely combined with small farmers and cottage industries, never completely disintegrated. Even in the early days of liberation, this trace was still obvious in a considerable part of the hinterland, and it should be regarded as capitalist modern industrial production as a new mode of production in society. However, it does not mainly come from the seeds of capitalism that have been bred in feudal society since the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties (these seeds were almost destroyed after the invasion of foreign capitalism), but from the commercial stocks and small-scale commercial enterprises attached to private enterprises run by the Westernization School in the gap between imperialist oppression and feudal bondage, which is very limited and has never dominated social production. Foreign capital is much stronger than state capital. In this way, China's modern social economy has a variety of economic forms, such as local economy, small-scale peasant economy and capitalism with different components. In a word, in modern China, various economies always coexist, and it is not as simple as one mode of production replacing the old one. (2) In the class structure. It is precisely because of the above reasons that various economic components coexist alternately, which leads to the coexistence of various class forces and the complexity of class relations. We know that. In the feudal society of China, the landlord class and the peasant class were the most basic classes. The situation in modern China is different, because semi-feudalism and semi-capitalism coexist, so there are mainly four classes: the landlord class, the peasant class, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat (there are also slave owners and slaves, and there are serf owners and serfs in ethnic minority areas, which are not dominant). However, the internal conditions of these four classes are complex and in a state of sharp differentiation and change. Such as the bourgeoisie formed by bureaucrats, comprador and businessmen. Many people are landlords and even worked as landlords and capitalists for two terms. There is a natural connection between farmers and the working class, that is, some bankrupt farmers flow into cities to serve as the reserve army of the proletariat and become industrial proletarians. Let's say the bourgeoisie. This stratum is very complicated and can be divided into two parts: the bureaucratic comprador bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie. In the national bourgeoisie, the difference between the upper class and the lower class is obvious. In a word, the class situation in modern China is very complicated. (3) Class contradictions and ethnic contradictions are intertwined. The main social contradiction in China feudal society is very simple, that is, the contradiction between the landlord class and the peasant class. In modern China, not only did the contradiction between the landlord class and the peasant class still exist as the main social contradiction, but it also increased the capital-the main contradiction between imperialism and the Chinese nation. The people of China shoulder the dual tasks of anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism, while the relationship between the feudal rulers of China and foreign invaders is subtle, that is, there are contradictions and collusion. (4) It is also reflected in the special situation that China is a semi-colony controlled and invaded by foreign powers. Modern China was neither an independent country nor a complete colony controlled by imperialist countries. It was a semi-colony slaughtered by other countries. Social characteristics, geographical environment and national strength of a big country. The status and other conditions in the international political arena are different, so the ways and characteristics of invading China are not exactly the same, but they all try to control and influence the central and local governments of China, and each has one or several political forces. In the process of aggression, the two colluded with each other and competed for each other, trying to seize as many aggression rights as possible. However, it is impossible for them to monopolize China. They must maintain a certain balance of power and make China semi-colonial. This also increased the complexity of the social history of modern China. (3) The stages and basic clues of China's modern history. The issue of the staging of China's modern history was first put forward systematically by Comrade Hu Sheng in an article published in Historical Research 1954,No. 1. The title of the article was "The Staging of China's Modern History". Prior to this, the works on modern history in China generally did not make clear historical stages, but were mostly "chronicles", that is, focusing on major events, expounding the ins and outs of each event in several chapters and commenting on its failures and historical significance (like the first volume of Modern History of China by Fan Lao). The advantage of this genre and style is that it enables readers to have a more complete understanding of the whole process of a particular historical event. However, because it is generally based on the beginning and end of a political event, it is easy to ignore the economic, cultural and ideological aspects related to this event, and it is difficult to show the development clues and laws of the whole modern history of China. Since Comrade Hu Sheng published the article "The Staging of Modern History of China", the discussion on the staging of modern history of China has been fruitful. As a result, the theory of "three revolutionary climaxes" put forward by Comrade Hu Sheng in his article has been recognized by the academic circles and almost reached a conclusion. The so-called "three-climax theory" is basically a sign that the period is divided by the performance of class struggle. Based on this, three revolutionary climaxes can be drawn from the modern history of China: the first one was the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom period of 185 1- 1864; The second time was a few years after the Sino-Japanese War, that is, the Reform Movement of 1898 and the Boxer Movement. The third time was from 1905 when the League was founded to the Revolution of 1911. Three revolutionary climaxes constitute the basic clue of the evolution of modern history in China. On this basis, the whole modern history of China is divided into three paragraphs that can be connected in time: first,1840-1864; 2. 1864- 190 1 year; The third one is1901-1919. Over the years, both textbooks and China's modern general history books have generally followed this pattern. With the development of the ideological emancipation movement after the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee, since the early 1980s, the academic circle of modern history in China has launched the second big discussion on the basic clues of China's modern history. This discussion began with an article entitled "From Westernization, Reform to Bourgeois Revolution" published by Comrade Li in the first issue of Historical Research 1980. This paper advocates understanding the basic clues of China's modern history, aiming at identifying the occurrence and development of the bourgeois movement as the basic clues of China's modern history. Some people summarize this view as "three-step theory". But the article also regards the peasant war of Taiping Heavenly Kingdom as the first step of the basic clue of China's modern history. Comrade Li doesn't agree to summarize his views as "three-step theory" (mainly disagreeing with the number of "three" and he appreciates the metaphor of "one step"), so we might as well call it "four-step theory". "Three-step walk" or "four-step walk" highlights the clues of bourgeois movement, which is obviously different from the "three-climax theory" and is a challenge to the "three-climax theory". In specific historical events, the differences and differences between them are mainly as follows: in the "three climaxes theory", the historical position of the Boxer Rebellion is highlighted, not the historical position of the Westernization Movement (this is the main symbol of the climax of the second revolution); In the "four-step theory", the historical position of the Westernization Movement ruled out the Boxer Movement.