The concept of proletariat in political economics is a concept in (political) economics. The proletariat is abstracted from the working class in the early capitalist countries that did not possess the means of production, such as the working class at that time. In socialist countries, the main body of society is the proletariat, that is, people of different classes who identify with or reach the core values of socialist countries through education, such as Lei Feng, Jiao Youlu, Kong Fansen, Qian Xuesen and Mao Zedong. Edit this concept in Marxist terms. In Marxist terminology, the proletariat is one of the two main classes in capitalist society (the other is the bourgeoisie). The proletariat refers to workers and other low-income groups who are deprived of the means of production and have to sell their labor to capitalists for survival. This term comes from Latin. In ancient Rome, it represented a class (proletarians) who had nothing but children. Although the word proletariat appeared in English as early as 1663, its modern meaning was first defined by Marx in the German-French Yearbook 1844. The oppressed proletariat is an international class, because it has the same interests in any country (proletarian internationalism). Because of its large number, strong organization and strong fighting, the proletariat is regarded as a real revolutionary class by classical Marxist thinkers and shoulders the historical mission of bringing mankind into an ideal society. In the past, the concept of proletariat was transliterated as "proletariat", which was generally written as proletariat in western languages and originated from Latin, meaning "proletariat". At first, it refers to the freedmen class in the ancient Roman Empire without any property supported by the state. But they are not "proletarians" in the modern sense. Because although they are not rich and slave owners, they are not slaves; Although they have nothing, they don't take part in labor, regard labor as a shameful thing, and get the support of the slave-owner country. In this sense, they actually participated in the exploitation of social workers-slaves. In this paragraph, edit the concept of early modern times after the rise of capitalism. In the early modern times after the rise of capitalism (14 and 15 centuries later), a large number of peasants lost their means of production such as land and became proletarians with nothing. These people are also called the proletariat. But they are fundamentally different from the proletariat in ancient Rome. The biggest difference is that they are not social parasites, but social workers; Not the exploiters, but the exploited; It is not the burden and burden of society, but the representative of new productive forces and new relations of production. But they don't have any means of production and can only make a living by selling their labor. Therefore, in Marxist literature, the words "proletariat, proletariat" are often used to emphasize that they are oppressed and exploited, while the words "working class" are more used to emphasize that they are creators of social wealth and founders of a new society in the future. The concept of modernity in this paragraph has come to modern times, and a socialist country with the working class in power has emerged in the world. The main means of production have been owned by socialist countries representing all workers. At this time, at least the vast majority of people in society have been selfless about the means of production. From the state to ordinary workers, they all live on wages, but we can't say that these people are still "proletarians" or "proletarians" because they are also the owners and shareholders of state-owned property in law. Therefore, in the constitutions and laws of socialist countries including China, the working class is no longer called "proletariat" or "proletariat". The proletariat of China came into being in the forties and fifties of the19th century, and foreign businessmen opened a number of docks and factories at the trading port of China. These foreign enterprises exploit the vast working people in China by taking advantage of China's cheap raw materials and labor. In this way, the proletariat in China was born in foreign enterprises before the bourgeoisie in China. 1In the 1940s, British businessmen founded the Ding Bai Wharf in Hongkong. British businessmen founded the Mohai Library in Shanghai. American Presbyterian Church set up a flower bible study class in Macau. The workers of these foreign-funded enterprises were all employed by bankrupt farmers and craftsmen in China, and they became the first industrial proletarians in China. Subsequently, in the factories and mines founded by the Westernization School and the national bourgeoisie, the China proletariat also appeared. By 1894, there were about 654.38+10,000 people. Although the number of the proletariat in China is small, it is relatively concentrated. Except miners, they are basically concentrated in coastal trading ports and the Yangtze River basin. Shanghai has the most, followed by Guangzhou and its vicinity. The concentration of workers in big cities and large and medium-sized enterprises is conducive to publicizing and organizing workers' struggles. The proletariat in China mainly comes from bankrupt farmers and craftsmen, and it is the representative of China's new productive forces. At the end of feudal society, the first batch of hired laborers appeared on the basis of the differentiation of small producers. The primitive accumulation process laid the foundation of the wage labor system. After the industrial revolution, industrial centers and cities increased, and the ranks of industrial workers grew rapidly, eventually forming the modern proletariat. The proletariat and the bourgeoisie are two opposing classes, and the struggle between them has gone through different stages of development. When the proletariat is still in the stage of perceptual knowledge of capitalist society and only knows the superficial phenomenon of capitalism and its external relations, they just struggle spontaneously and remain a "comfortable class". For example,1In the 1970s and 1980s, there was a movement to destroy machines in Britain. At that time, workers thought that machines were the root of their poverty and unemployment, so they spontaneously destroyed machines and burned factories. Later, with the development of class struggle, Marxism came into being, and the proletariat began to consciously struggle under the guidance of Marxism. Since then, the proletariat has become a "self-sufficient class". They stepped onto the historical stage as an independent political force. Of all the classes opposed to the bourgeoisie, only the proletariat can shoulder the historical task of the capitalist grave digger. The formation of the proletariat is related to the mass production of machines, is the representative of advanced productive forces, and is the most advanced and promising class. The economic status of the proletariat determines its selflessness, foresight, organization and discipline. They are more determined and thorough than any other class in the revolutionary struggle. At the same time, the proletariat has no fundamental conflict of interests with other working people, and can unite all oppressed and exploited working people around itself. Therefore, the proletariat has always been the core of the workers' movement and the "natural representative of revolutionary socialism" (Complete Works of Marx and Engels, Volume 35, page 229). Their great historical mission is to bury the capitalist system and establish a communist society. Only by liberating all mankind can the proletariat finally liberate itself. Edit this paragraph 1, the lowest social or economic stratum in society 2, the social stratum of the working class, especially the industrial workers who lack or do not have their own means of production, they have to sell their labor to live. Working proletariat: includes people who work for wages, especially manual workers or industrial workers. By definition, the proletariat includes the working class, but it is not equal to the working class. Farmers also belong to the proletariat in the long run, because they don't own land ownership, but in a specific land contract period, farmers have the main rights in land ownership. During the contract period, farmers can say that this land is mine. Article 1 of the Constitution stipulates that People's Republic of China (PRC) is a socialist country under the people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants. The socialist system is the fundamental system of People's Republic of China (PRC). No organization or individual may undermine the socialist system. Judging from this article of the Constitution (in fact, not necessarily), the proletariat has got rid of the lowest social or economic class and become the leading class. Then, there is only the second criterion to distinguish whether it is the proletariat-if there is no or lack of means of production, it is necessary to sell labor to live. As a whole, the proletariat met the two standards of the proletariat before seizing power. After the proletariat seized power, it not only fundamentally changed its social and economic status as a whole, but also mastered most of the social means of production. Neither of these standards meets. As for each individual in the proletariat, before seizing political power, it meets the two standards of the proletariat, and after seizing political power, it also meets the second standard of the proletariat, but special attention should be paid to the strong guarantee of a system. With the continuous progress of society, the concept of the proletariat needs to be constantly enriched and developed. The material standard should give way to the spiritual standard, that is, whether to master the political power and whether to own the means of production is second. The primary criterion of the proletariat should be whether it believes in communist ideals, whether it contributes to social development by self-reliance, and whether it opposes the free exploitation of others. Only in this way can we unite the overwhelming majority of the people more widely and work together to realize the highest ideal of the proletariat-communism. Why did you say this when editing this paragraph? There are mainly the following reasons: the proletariat should manage society after seizing political power. In terms of economy, whether it is a planned economy or a market economy, we should entrust some outstanding elements in society to manage the economy and mobilize and dispose of the means of production mastered by the proletariat. There are two management methods to treat these excellent elements. One is to treat them as part of the proletariat and only pay them wages. The other is to get bonuses other than wages. Although these people serve the proletariat, they have formed a considerable interest group after a period of time because they have mastered considerable rights. Compared with most proletarians, they have the advantages of information and low organizational cost, and it is easier for them to unite as an interest group to expand their own interests-demanding institutional reform and privatization in their best interests. If the social system is restricted, the individual will first obtain the maximum benefit of the individual in this interest group through the way of right rent-seeking. This may be what Chairman Mao said: We should prevent the restoration of the bourgeois establishment in the Party. Because the possession and management of the means of production belongs to the bourgeoisie in history, and it is for the benefit of the bourgeoisie, which accounts for a very small number of society. The purpose of the proletariat's possession of the means of production is to make profits for the proletariat, which accounts for the majority of society. This requires that the power department that manages the means of production on behalf of the proletariat and each of its members have lofty aspirations and ideals that jump out of the scope of personal interests. They must be real * * * members and serve the proletariat wholeheartedly; If this is not the case, without this awareness and this spirit of dedication to the cause of the proletariat, he is not worthy to be the vanguard of proletarian management of society. Those who come out from time to time to emphasize that members of the * * * are also human beings simply forget the oath of joining the party and are more likely to degenerate into the revolutionary object of the proletariat. As a whole proletariat, it is undoubtedly the need of the management system to entrust the management of society to a few people, but with the extension of the entrustment chain, the institutional risk is also increasing; The cost of supervision increases and the effectiveness decreases. There are probably two solutions, one is democracy and the other is mass movement. The first method is basically used now, but the effect of this method is being tested, and it is possible to slide to the second method at any time. Mass movements may take two forms, one is spontaneous, and the other is initiated by the upper class, such as the Cultural Revolution. Reality often makes us question: Can the democratic way work? Is the democratic way not working, or is the democracy we practice incomplete and imperfect? The reality reminds us whether the proletariat has given us too much power and whether it is time to take back some power. ! Can the proletariat be regarded as the proletariat if it obtains shares in large enterprises, and cannot be regarded as the proletariat if it obtains shares in enterprises? Is there a boundary between them? By definition, ordinary people have their own houses and cars. If it were not for business, these would not be counted as means of production. They are still the proletariat. Although their wealth is sometimes high, they are still the proletariat. Of course, when a person's property is high, part of it can be completely transformed into means of production and become a non-proletarian. Proletarians hold a small number of shares, which has no influence on enterprises and should be regarded as proletarians. But when they hold more and more stocks, which can affect the operation of enterprises, they are no longer proletariat.