Wu pointed out that in modern China, industrialization can only be an illusion if imperialist aggression and feudalism are not eliminated. But this does not mean that we should deny any industrialization efforts of people at that time. Because, without some new industries, without the bourgeoisie and proletariat in China, there would be no success in the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution. Of course, it is impossible to realize industrialization without a development strategy based on our own land and adapted to our national conditions. (Noe: Wu: The Road to Industrialization in Modern China, Literature, History and Philosophy No.6, 199 1. )
Liu Danian believes that national independence and modernization are two things that cannot be replaced by each other. National independence cannot replace modernization, nor can modernization replace national independence. They are closely linked, not isolated. Without national independence, modernization cannot be realized; Without modernization, politics, economy and culture will always fall behind, and true national independence cannot be realized. The people of China persistently pursue national independence, and the ultimate goal is still to pursue the modernization of the country. However, national independence and modernization are two different issues after all, each with its own specific content. National independence is to change the oppressed status of the nation, overthrow the semi-colonial and semi-feudal ruling order and fundamentally solve the problem of production relations. Modernization is to change the backward position of China's economy and culture, develop social productive forces with modern industrial productive forces as the mainstay, and fundamentally solve the problem of productive forces. The contents of the two problems are different, so the solutions are different. People can't accomplish two tasks at the same time, or do their best in World War I. The only solution is to take the revolutionary road, overthrow the semi-colonial and semi-feudal ruling order, gain national independence and open a new world for China's modernization. (Note: Liu Danian: Several Theoretical Issues in the Study of Modern History, People's Daily, 1997, 1 1. )
Gong Shuduo pointed out that China's modern social transformation, modernization and prosperity cannot be divorced from the social reality of modern China, but must be closely linked with the reality of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, imperialism and feudal rule, and modernization cannot be opposed to the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle, let alone denied. Imperialism reduced China to a semi-colony and China to a semi-feudal state. Historical facts show that the imperialist invasion neither made China enter the capitalist society nor made China realize the capitalist modernization. It is not in line with the historical reality that western powers are in favor of and help China realize modernization instead of opposing imperialism. Without opposing imperialism and changing the semi-colonial and semi-feudal social status and the oppression and plunder of imperialism in China, it is impossible to realize the modernization of China. (Noe: Gong Shuduo: Reflections on Social Changes in Modern China, History TeachingNo. 1997+0 1 issue. )
Huang pointed out that in the whole modern society, the Chinese nation is faced with two major historical tasks, one is to strive for national independence and people's liberation, and the other is to achieve national prosperity and people's prosperity. The former task is to clear the obstacles and create the necessary premise for the latter task. China's modernization cannot be ignored or divorced from these two historical tasks. But the historical process of China's modernization is constantly advancing around the realization of these two historical tasks. In the "late-developing and exogenous" modern countries, the start of modernization will be more influenced by external factors, including the objective stimulation of capitalist imperialist aggression. But at the same time, the latter will inevitably bring profound disasters to these nations and countries, making national liberation and independence an indispensable part of their modernization practice and the primary premise of their economic industrialization and political democratization. (Note: Huang's: 1898 Hundred Days Sacrifice: Thinking from the Perspective of Modernization, No.6 of Literature and History Knowledge, 1998. )
As far as striving for national independence and modernization is concerned, the former is to oppose the aggression of foreign capitalism against China, and the latter is to find the way for China to transform from a traditional society to a modern society; The former is faced with western powers trying to turn China into their semi-colony and colony, while the latter is faced with how to turn a poor and backward China into a prosperous and progressive China through the process of modernization. Therefore, the historical situation in modern China requires the people of China not only to complete the process of striving for national independence to prevent semi-colonization, but also to implement the modernization plan in China to adapt to the development trend of world history. The struggle for national independence and modernization are complementary. Modern productive forces and economic foundation will only contribute to national independence, that is to say, it is inconceivable that modern western powers can be defeated by traditional swords, guns and bows, and that bourgeois reformers and revolutionaries will enter the political arena without the emergence and development of capitalist economy. Of course, modern China became a semi-colonial country because of imperialist aggression, and the people of China must oppose foreign aggression and strive for national independence. At the same time, imperialism is still attacking and persecuting capitalism in China, and China must try its best to develop capitalism. In this way, China's modernization process also contains elements of striving for national independence. The development trend of modern China should be an independent and prosperous China, not an independent but not prosperous China. In other words, it is impossible to realize modernization without national independence, but it cannot be said that China can't have modernization before it completes the important task of national independence. Here, the struggle for national independence and modernization should be closely related, not mutually antagonistic. Similarly, when expounding the historical process of modernization, we cannot ignore the struggle for national independence.
Fourth, the level of modernization in China.
As far as the evolution level of modern culture in China is concerned, there is a popular saying in the field of history, that is, the three-stage evolution form of matter-system-psychology. Historians have different views on whether this statement can also be applied to the discussion on the level of modernization in China.
Wang Xiang basically expounded the level of China's modernization according to the model of object-system-psychology, and thought that the three levels of China's modernization process were technology-thought-system. According to the theory of cultural communication, he emphasized the multi-directional and multi-level characteristics of cultural communication, followed the development track from low level to high level, and pointed out that China experienced the development process from technical level to ideological level, and then to high level to political level. He believes that from the Opium War to the Westernization Movement, China people only pay attention to the advanced western science and technology, and only welcome western capitalist culture at the technical level of the cultural system; After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, people began to learn from a bitter experience, thinking that only western science and technology could not save China, and began to look for new ways to save the country and the people, thus pushing China's modernization from the technical level to the ideological level. At the same time, spiritual strength will also be transformed into material strength. From the early reformists and reformists to revolutionaries, the enthusiasm for participating in politics has been rising, which has been realized in two different forms: the Reform Movement of 1898 and the Revolution of 1911, marking the advancement of China's modernization journey from the ideological level to the political level. (Noe: Wang Xiang: On the Three Levels of Modernization in China, academic journal of zhongzhou No.4, 1988. )
Zhang Kaiyuan expounded this issue from the angle of external reaction and modernization. He pointed out that people often divide the process of China's advanced intellectuals' understanding of modernization into three levels or stages, namely, tools, systems and ideas. This is not bad as a general sketch, but it is difficult to make such a simple and vivid division if we examine the thoughts and practices of individual characters. That is, as far as Wei Yuan initiated "learning from foreigners to control foreigners", what he said "