Shanghai, as the earliest port and a rapidly rising trading port, is still so, and the ability of other port cities to absorb agricultural population is bound to be more limited. Of course, we do not deny that the emergence and development of modern industry has promoted urbanization. But this kind of influence is limited after all, because the lack of industrialization has made the city tired. Before the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, two or three hundred modern industries of different sizes appeared in some big cities along the Yangtze River and along the coast, which were run by foreign capital, Qing government and emerging national capital. However, due to historical constraints, most of them are very limited in terms of capital, scale and technology. According to statistics, the output value of modern emerging industries only accounts for about 10% of the total industrial and agricultural output value, while the output value of agriculture and handicrafts accounts for about 90%. (32)
At present, the imbalance of urban development is very obvious. The lower reaches of the Yangtze River and Lingnan area have the largest number of commercial ports and concessions, the industry and commerce and service industries are relatively prosperous, and the proportion of urban population has increased rapidly. On the contrary, many inland cities that used to be commercial centers, traffic arteries and military strongholds tend to decline or stagnate, such as Suzhou, Foshan, Xiangtan, Shaoyang, Huzhou, Hangzhou and Weifang. (33) In addition, more than half a century before the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, due to the influence of wars, such as the two Opium Wars, the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom and the Sino-French and Sino-Japanese wars, thousands of towns were devastated by wars to varying degrees. Jiangnan area is the most densely populated area in China since Ming and Qing Dynasties, and also the area with the highest urbanization rate in China at that time. In the fifties and sixties, it became the main battlefield of fierce battles between Taiping Army, Qing Army and foreign troops. In the continuous war of 14 years, the soldiers were in chaos and the towns were destroyed, which caused great damage to the city.
In this regard, when Shi Jianya explained why the urbanization rate of China19th century could not be regarded as the representative of the modern model, he mentioned that the urban system of China was severely damaged by the war at that time:
On the one hand, from11980s to11940s, in general, most areas of agricultural China were in a period of peace and prosperity; On the other hand, during the forty years of 1850- 1890, six of the eight areas were severely damaged. The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, the Nian Army and the rebellion of returning to the army expanded all areas thousands of miles away except Lingnan and the upper reaches of the Yangtze River, reduced the population of China by one million and destroyed hundreds of towns. The urban system in the lower reaches of the Yangtze River was destroyed; The urban system in two of the five regions in the northwest and the middle reaches of the Yangtze River has been seriously damaged; The urban system in Yunnan-Guizhou, the southeast coast and North China was partially destroyed, and by 1893, only a few parts were restored in many areas. (34)
The signing of "treaty of shimonoseki" in the initial development stage of "1895" can be regarded as a turning point in the urban development of China, because its relevant provisions stimulated the rise of modern machinery industry in trading ports and opened the era of railway laying. In this way, in the 1990s of 19, the urban system in several areas of China has undergone relatively effective traffic modernization reform. (35) This passage by Shi Jianya not only explains why 1895 is the demarcation point of the second stage of urbanization, but also explains the reasons, that is, the "rise of modern machinery industry" and the "traffic modernization reform" caused by the laying of railways.
After treaty of shimonoseki, the economic aggression of western capitalism against China changed from commodity export to capital export, and foreign countries used treaties as a cover to accelerate the pace of establishing industrial and mining enterprises in China. According to Mr. Wang Jingyu's statistics, from 1895 to 19 13, foreign countries set up 136 factories in China, which was six times (23) more than the first half century of the Sino-Japanese War. In the same period, the total investment of foreign big factories with capital above 654.38+10,000 yuan reached103153,000 yuan, which was nearly 13.5 times (703 1 10,000 yuan) of the first half century of the Sino-Japanese War. (36)
With the development of commodity economy in urban and rural areas and the flourishing of bourgeois national consciousness, there was an upsurge of setting up industries in the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China, especially during the First World War, China's national industries developed rapidly and entered a golden period in the history of development. From 19 14 to 19 18, China's national capital industry has made great progress. From 19 13 to 19 15, there are 24 registered factories 124, with a total capital of 24,424 thousand yuan, with an average annual registration of 410.3 and an average of each factory190. From 19 16 to 19 18, there are 374 registered factories with a total capital of 74.633 million yuan, with an average of 124.6 per year and an average of199,000 yuan per factory. Most of these newly registered factories are light industrial enterprises such as textile industry, flour industry, knitting industry, tobacco industry and oil extraction industry. Industrial development itself means the expansion of the working class. It is estimated that there are at least 2.3 million factory workers (excluding handicrafts) in War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression's former China, including more than 520,000 in large industrial sectors such as railways, shipping and mining. (38)
The development of urban industry has greatly enhanced the attraction of cities to rural population and the pull of urbanization. Because China's capitalist industries are mainly concentrated in some trading port cities along the Yangtze River and coastal areas, the population of these trading port cities with higher modernization level has increased rapidly. If the population of 1843 is taken as the basic indicator of 100, then by 1933, the population indicators of Shanghai are 1520, Tianjin 600, Nanjing 560, Beijing 150 and Changsha/kloc-0. In the past 90 years, Shanghai's urban population has increased by 1.5 times, Tianjin by 6 times and Beijing by 1.5 times. (39)
From the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 to 1937, the pace of railway construction in China was accelerated. 1894, 364 kilometers of railways were built in China. 19 1 1 year reached 9618km, 1927 reached13000km, 1937 has exceeded 25438. (40) During this period, the fastest railway construction was in Northeast China. At this time, the railways such as Jingfeng, Dongqing Nanman Branch Road, Daoqing, Anfeng, Tiantu, Taohai, Beiqi and Jincheng were built one after another, and the urbanization process began. In 1930s, with the laying of railway lines, some isolated villages developed into modern cities centered on railway stations, and more than 20 cities such as Dalian, Yingkou, Haicheng, Anshan, Liaoyang, Fengtian, Siping, Kaiyuan, Gongzhuling, Changchun, Anton and Fushun developed under this background. According to statistics, in the early 1930s, the total population of Shenyang, Changchun, Harbin, Dalian, Benxi and Fushun in Northeast China reached more than 2.3 million, which was 11times higher than1895. (4 1) In the vast inland provinces, in addition to the further development of the original cities, many cities have sprung up because of railways. For example, Shijiazhuang and Hengyang along the Han Jing-Guangdong-Han Railway, Pukou and Bengbu along the Jinpu Railway, all prospered because of the railway. Shijiazhuang was originally just a village. At the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Republic of China, after the completion of the railway between Han Jing and Zheng Da, industry and commerce flourished and became an important shopping center in the north. Bengbu is located at the intersection of the railway and Huaihe River. This used to be a village port with only 500 families. After the opening of the Jin-Pu line, trade shows and population gathered. 19 14 years has increased to100000, and 1929 has reached 200000. (42)
The development of China's national capitalism and the rise of a large number of cities along the railway have promoted the flow of rural population to cities to varying degrees. If before the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, the main driving force of urbanization in China was commerce, then the main driving force of urbanization in this period was industry and new traffic. With the increasing pull of the city, the thrust of the countryside is also increasing. A large number of farmers left the countryside and entered the cities, and the modern city of China was initially developed.
In the tortuous development stage of 1937, War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression broke out, which changed the historical process of China and had a great impact on urban development. During the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression period, half of the rivers and mountains in China fell, and most cities, especially several important political center cities and major industrial and commercial cities that rose in modern times, such as Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, Wuhan, Guangzhou, Jinan, Taiyuan, Changsha, Nanjing, Suzhou, Hangzhou, Fuzhou and Nanjing.
From a local point of view, the urbanization of northeast and southwest China has been greatly developed under the condition that the eastern and central cities have been seriously damaged by the war. On the one hand, Japan wants to colonize, plunder and enslave northeast China; On the other hand, in order to meet the needs of waging a full-scale war against China, Japan took the northeast of China as a war base and increased its investment in the northeast of China. 193 1 year, the total Japanese investment in northeast China was 550 million yuan, and then it increased year by year, reaching 5.27 billion yuan in 1944. (43)
Due to the special reasons of the war, after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, Northeast China became a heavy industry base and a region with a high level of urbanization in China.
The war caused the population of eastern China to move westward on a large scale, which promoted the development of western cities. For example, in the middle and late period of the Anti-Japanese War, Chengdu's industry, commerce, culture and education all developed greatly due to the entry of population funds from the east. 194 1 year, urban population ratio 1939 increased 13.6%, 19465438 early. (44) The development of these two regional cities is far from enough to make up for the destruction and negative impact of the war on the development of the whole city of China.
After the victory of the struggle, China was once revived after the war, and its economy and city developed greatly, but three years of civil war soon took place, and its economy was seriously damaged. Compared with the highest annual output in history, the output of 1949 decreased by about 25% in agriculture, 30% in light industry and 70% in heavy industry. (45) In addition, on the eve of national liberation, when the troops of the National Government withdrew from Taiwan Province Province, many important factories and mining areas were destroyed. In addition, the population of many cities affected by the war has decreased, which has limited the development of cities.
Precautions:
① Zhu Tiezhen: Research on Urban Modernization, Beijing: Hongqi Publishing House, 2002, p. 224.
(2) The main manifestations of inaccurate population statistics are underreporting, false reporting and artificial fabrication in the process of population statistics, and the statistical population is often lower than the actual population. For details, see He Bingdi's Population and Related Issues in the Early Ming Dynasty (1368- 1953), translated by Ge, Beijing: Sanlian Bookstore, 2000, pp. 59-64. Jiang Tao, Modern Population History of China, Hangzhou: Zhejiang People's Publishing House, 1993, pp. 56-60. At the back of the article, the total population of the whole country is involved, and generally larger figures are taken without modification.
(3) "Four people" is based on the division of social occupations, which is what is called "making up the same surname" in traditional society. The definition of four people by the Han people is: "Learn from a scholar, farm fields, be skillful with work, and make money with goods." Because of their origin and professional relationship, there are some differences in their social status. The division of the four people has been followed until the late Qing Dynasty, almost throughout the whole traditional society. Therefore, the traditional society can actually be called a society of four people. However, "four people" is only the general outline of the social and professional composition of the population in the traditional era. In fact, there are some other groups that can't be covered by the four social groups of scholars, industry, commerce and industry.
(4) Bao: A spoonful of Chinese songs, Volume 7, Preface to Saving, and Complete Works of Bao, Volume 6, Appendix 4, School, Hefei: Huangshan Bookstore, 1993, p. 222.
⑤ Bu Kai, editor-in-chief: Land Use in China, translated by Qiao, Chengdu: Chengcheng Publishing House, 194 1 Edition, p.501Page.
⑥ For details, see Yang Zihui's Study on Population Data of China in Past Dynasties, Beijing: Reform Press, 1996, p. 1200. Jiang Tao. Population and history--a study of the traditional population structure in China. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1998, page 169- 170.
⑦ Population Research Center of China Academy of Social Sciences: China Population Yearbook 1985, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1986, p. 81-812.
8 Selected Works of Marx and Engels (Volume I), Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1996, p. 142.
Before 1982, the urban population in China only refers to the non-agricultural population in the established towns, while the agricultural population living in the towns and all the population living in the countryside are classified as rural population. From 65438 to 0982, the statistical caliber of urban population in China was greatly adjusted, that is, the total population within the jurisdiction of established towns, including agricultural population, was also regarded as urban population. See China City Manual edited by Zhu Tiezhen, Beijing: Economic Science Press, 1987, p. 799.
Attending Liu Shiqi: Research on Towns in the South of the Yangtze River in Ming and Qing Dynasties, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1987, p. 137.
(1 1) Shi Jianya. Cities in the late Chinese Empire. Trans. Ye Guangting, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2002, p. 244.
(12) ibid., pp. 339-355.
(13) rozman, an American scholar, wrote Japanese Metropolitan Network in China and Tokugawa Times in Qing Dynasty (Princeton University, 1973), which was published four years earlier than Shi Jianya's Cities in the Late Chinese Empire (Stanford University, 1977). The method used in this book is similar to Shi Jianya's, but the city is divided into seven levels to measure. The Population History of China in Qing Dynasty (Shanghai: Fudan University Press, 200 1), edited by Ge and Cao, is critical of Shi Jianya's urban population estimation, but in the construction method of regional urban population hierarchy model, it pays more attention to administrative stratification at the political level, which is not essentially different from Shi Jianya's emphasis on economic and geographical stratification in analytical methods. See page 724-78 1 in this book for details. See Zhao Gang, Chapter 3 of China Urban Development History, Xinxing Publishing House, 2006.
(14) Shi Jianya: Regional Urbanization of China in the19th Century, Research on Urban History (first series), Tianjin: Tianjin Education Press, 1989, p. 125.
(15) Many scholars have pointed this out. For details, see Hu Huanyong, Zhang: Population Geography of China, Shanghai: East China Normal University Press, 1984, p. 245; Zhao Gang: Compilation of Urban Development History of China, p. 82.
(16) Shi Jianya: Study on the Late Feudal Cities in China-Shi Jianya Model. Trans. Wang Xu, Changchun: Jilin Education Press, 199 1, page 30 1.
(17) Jiang Tao: Population and History-A Study on the Traditional Population Structure of China, Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1998, p. 17 1 page. However, it seems far-fetched for Jiang Tao to take 10% as the average urbanization rate of the whole China society from ancient times to the present (pre-Qin) under normal circumstances, because his explanation of the urbanization rate of the pre-Qin and Han dynasties is not sufficient.
(18) In the 1920s and 1930s, some sociologists estimated the urbanization rate of modern China, but the general figure was high, ranging from 34% to 28. 1%. See Hu Huanyong and Zhang, Population Geography of China, p. 267. According to the upper limit of urbanization rate, we can see that these estimates have great errors. At present, many scholars at home and abroad who study modern cities in China have estimated the urbanization rate of modern China. The estimated years are concentrated in 1820, 1843, 1893 and 1820, with 6.3% (Xinglong estimate) and 6.9% (Zhao Gang estimate). 6.5% in 1840, 5. 1% in 1843, 6.0% (Shi Jianya), 7.7% (Zhao Gang) and 7.9% (Long Xing) in 1893. In addition, he estimated the urbanization rates of 1920 and 1936, which were 10.6% and1.4% respectively. For details, please refer to the author's related works cited in this paper.
(19) Zhao Gang: the history of urban development in China, pp. 84-87. In Zhao Gang's view, the Warring States to the Southern Song Dynasty is a development stage with an obvious upward trend, while the Southern Song Dynasty to the middle of Qing Dynasty is a downward stage, and the middle of Qing Dynasty is now an upward stage.
(20) Long Xing: "On the Modern Urbanization of China". See, Huang, Editor-in-Chief. The New History: the Prospect of Multidisciplinary Dialogue (Ⅱ). Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, 2003, p. 54 1.
(2 1) For the proportion of urban population in the Tang Dynasty, see Hu Huanyong and Zhang, Population Geography of China, Volume I, p. 248. See Qixia in Song Dynasty: Economic History of Song Dynasty, Volume II, Shanghai: Shanghai People's Publishing House, 1988, p. 933. See Cao's Ming Dynasty: Population History of China in Qing Dynasty, p. 774.
(22) Cao: The Population History of China in Qing Dynasty (Volume V), p. 829.
(23) Wang Xianqian: "Donghua Continued Record Daoguang 44" Page 20 B.
(24) Zhao Gang: "On the History of Urban Development in China", the first 8 1 page.
(25) Jiang Tao: "Modern Population History of China", p. 399.
(26) Population Research Center of China Academy of Social Sciences: China Population Yearbook 1985, Beijing: China Social Sciences Publishing House, 1986, p.81/page.
(27) Shi Jian Ya believes that "by 1893, the restoration work in many areas has only been partially completed". Shi Jianya: A Study on the Late Feudal Cities in China —— Shi Jianya Model, p. 73. On pages 75 and 78 of the previous quotation, Jiang Tao also mentioned that the total population at this time was close to the level of Daoguang years before the war.
(28) He Yimin: Outline of China City History, Chengdu: Sichuan University Press, 1994, p. 340.
(29) The three stages are the general modes that divide the development of modern cities in China. As far as I know, according to the three-stage model, there are at least three. He Yimin: Modern Urban Development and Social Changes in China (1840-1949), Chapter 2, Section 1, Beijing: Science Press, 2004. He Yimin is divided into the first stage from the Opium War to the New Deal Reform in the late Qing Dynasty, the second stage from the New Deal Reform in the late Qing Dynasty (190 1) to War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, and the third stage from War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression to New China. The Legend of the Dragon is divided into three stages, the first stage is from the Opium War to the Sino-Japanese War, the second stage is from the Sino-Japanese War to the1920s, and the third stage is from the1920s to the founding of New China. Hu Huanyong Zhang: The first volume of China population geography, 257-26 1 page, divided into:1840-1895; 1895- 193 1 year; 193 1- 1949. The author tends to agree with Ning, Zhang Wudong and Chapter 7 1 of The Past: A History of Urban Development in China. Hefei: Anhui Science and Technology Press, 1994.
(30) Long Xing: Population Issues and Modern Society, Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1992, p. 36-37.
(3 1) Murphy: Shanghai: the key to modern China, edited by Institute of History, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, Shanghai: Shanghai People's Publishing House, 1987, p. 24.
(32) Zhen Chen: Materials of Modern Industrial History in China (Series IV), Beijing: Sanlian Bookstore, 196 1 year, the first 1 page.
(33) Hu Huanyong Zhang: Population Geography of China (I), p. 258.
(34) Shi Jian Ya: "Cities in the Late Chinese Empire", p. 262.
(35) Shi Jianya: "Research on Late Feudal Cities in China-Shi Jianya Model", p. 64.
(36) Wang Jingyu: Materials of Modern Industrial History in China (Second Series), Beijing: Science Press, 1957, p. 1 1 page.
(37) Zhen Chen and Yao Luohe: Materials of Modern Industrial History in China (First Series), Joint Publishing Company, 1957, p. 1 14.
(38) Zhu Sihuang, editor-in-chief: Economic History of the Republic of China, Shanghai: Banking Institute and Banking Weekly, 1947, p. 369-370.
(39)(4 1) Hu Huanyong Zhang: Population Geography of China (I), p. 260.
(40) Yan et al. Selected Statistical Data of Modern Economic History of China, Beijing: Science Press, 1955, p. 190.
(42) Yu and Ma Jiyun: Outline of Urban Development in China, Tianjin: Tianjin People's Publishing House, 1996, p. 293.
(43) Wu: Imperialist Investment in Old China, Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1955, p. 1 162.
(44) He Yimin, editor-in-chief: "Change and Development: A Study on the Modernization of Chengdu, an Inland City in China", Chengdu: Sichuan University Press, 200 1, p. 586.
(45) China Council for the Promotion of International Trade: Achievements of New China's Economic Construction in Three Years, Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1953, p. 119.